In his famous speech to the Ghanaian parliament in 2009, former President of the United States, Barack Obama proclaimed that “Africa doesn’t need strongmen, it needs strong institutions”.
The 44th American President also recounted the violent history of Africa, insinuating that most of that history resulted from failures of institutions, and that solutions required Africa having the right structures.
Unfortunately, nine years after Obama’s remarks, weak institutions remain the greatest challenge facing Nigerian democracy, even as the influence of strongmen dominate the political landscape.
I must, however, admit that while Nigeria took a giant step forward in 2015 when former President Goodluck Jonathan became the first Nigerian leader to peacefully relinquish power to the opposition party, we have taken ten steps backwards with the dominance of strongmen in the current political atmosphere.
From President Muhammadu Buhari, Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, Senate President Bukola Saraki, Speaker of the House of Representatives Yakubu Dogara, Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN) Walter Onnoghen, Acting Chairman Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) Ibrahim Magu, former Lagos State governor Bola Tinubu, National Chairman Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) Uche Secondus, his counterpart in All Progressives Congress (APC) John Odigie-Oyegun to former President Olusegun Obasanjo, the list of strongmen in the Nigerian political atmosphere is endless.
At a time the governing African National Congress (ANC) forced former South African President Jacob Zuma to resign and is currently facing corruption trial, Nigeria is replete with strongmen who have shown by their actions that they are bigger than our institutions.
One of such strongmen is the Inspector-General of Police (IGP), Ibrahim Idris who shunned the invitation of the Senate for the second time in one week.
Just like a fortnight ago, the police boss failed to appear before the Senate over the alleged inhuman treatment meted out to the embattled chairman, Senator Committee on Federal Capital Territory, Dino Melaye as well as killings across the country.
When the Chairman, Senate Committee on Police Affairs, Abu Ibrahim, told lawmakers during plenary about several futile efforts he made to reach the IGP and Saraki asked for contribution from lawmakers, the silence in the hallowed chambers was deafening.
But I don’t think their silence indicated disapproval of the police boss’ action. Rather federal lawmakers were scared that should they speak out against Idris or the President, they faced humiliation just like the Chairman, Senate Public Accounts Committee Matthew Urhoghide who was harassed at the Benin Airport recently in the presence of Edo State Governor, Godwin Obaseki and the state Commissioner of Police after he urged the upper legislative chamber to invoke Section 143 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) against Buhari.
The arraignment of Melaye in court on a stretcher as well as prosecution of other critics of the President like Senators Peter Nwaoboshi, Shehu Sani, while perpetrators of last month’s invasion of the National Assembly and snatching of the mace are walking freely, may have sent shivers down the spine of legislators.
Also, strong indications that Melaye may have been abandoned by the institution of the Senate, came to the front burner last week when the Chairman, Senate Committee on Media and Public Affairs, Aliyu Sabi Abdullahi, practically evaded questions from journalists relating to the ordeal of the embattled senator without expressly condemning the degrading and humiliating treatment meted out to him by the police.
Also, the disclosure by President Buhari in March this year that he was ‘surprised’ that the Inspector-General of Police disobeyed his directives to stay in Benue until the bloodletting between farmers and herdsmen was resolved, has sent further signals to lawmakers that Idris is an ‘anointed’ that must not be ‘touched’.
This informed why senators looked startled and frightened at plenary as though they had just seen a ghost. When the Deputy Senate Majority Leader, Bala Ibn N’Allah, finally summoned the courage to speak, he did so by choosing his words carefully. “I am in a state of shock,” he said, even as he suggested that a delegation led by the Senate President should visit President Buhari to register their displeasure on the non-appearance of the police boss before the upper legislative chamber.
Surprisingly, this suggestion was rejected by Saraki, who mandated the Senate Majority Leader, Ahmad Lawan and Abu Ibrahim to engage with the Executive on the matter and report back this week.
Perhaps, the fear of being lynched by their constituents informed the failure of the Senate Committee on Judiciary, Human Rights and Legal Matters, which was mandated to investigate President Buhari’s approval for the payment of $496 million out of the Excess Crude Account for the purchase of military aircraft without legislative approval.
Although Saraki had, at the penultimate week, referred the matter to the committee for legal advice and report back on Wednesday last week, the panel failed to meet the deadline.
A ranking member of the National Assembly who spoke to me on condition of anonymity revealed that it is easier for a camel to pass through the eye of the needle, than for a Nigerian President to be impeached.
“When push comes to shove, the National Assembly would be divided along political and religious lines,” he said.
OWEDE AGBAJILEKE
