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Theft of the Nigerian mind: Why nobody is thinking for Nigeria

Richard Ikiebe
7 Min Read

Pre-colonial “Nigeria” was intellectually vibrant and productive. Yorubaland developed a knowledge system called “Imo”— not just information, but knowledge applied to governance, agriculture, and social organisation. The Igbo had “Amamihe” — intelligence and wisdom that guide community decisions. They also created republican systems with sophisticated checks and balances through their “Omenala” traditions.

The Hausa developed “Ilimi”— knowledge systems that governed vast empires. Ilimi generally means “knowledge” or “science”. It can also refer to education in a broader sense. The term encompasses understanding and awareness gained through learning and experience.

These concepts on thought-led leadership and administration encompass the ideas of deep thinking, reflection, and sound judgment, often gained through experience and learning. They are also about the ability to weigh options and make decisions based on knowledge and understanding.

Then came the Berlin Conference of 1885 that carved up Africa like a commodity. Before Berlin, Africa possessed sophisticated intellectual frameworks that governed millions across vast territories for centuries. Deliberate destruction of these knowledge systems represents one of history’s most devastating acts of cultural vandalism—a theft not of gold or ivory, but of the African mind itself.

African communities were not primitive societies stumbling in darkness by any stretch of imagination, as they were often portrayed to be. The Benin Empire’s bronze-casting techniques were so advanced that Portuguese explorers initially refused to believe Africans created them. Traditional farming systems developed over millennia provided cost-effective, environmentally sustainable solutions that modern agricultural science is only now beginning to understand.

The colonial assault on African minds was organised and methodical. The 1897 British expedition that looted the Benin royal palace was not merely about acquiring art treasures—it was about destroying the symbols of African intellectual achievement. Colonisers worked hard to erase any evidence of African civilisation’s sophistication.

Colonial education completed the intellectual destruction. The system was explicitly designed to produce “clerks to colonial officers,” not independent thinkers. Lord Lugard’s educational policies deliberately suppressed indigenous knowledge systems while promoting European languages and values as superior. Students were punished for speaking indigenous languages in schools, creating what Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o calls “the colonisation of the mind.”

Before they arrived, traditional African societies operated on principles of cooperative self-governance. The Igbo “Umunna” system ensured collective decision-making. Yoruba “Egbe” associations provided mutual support networks. These systems prioritised community welfare over individual accumulation.

Colonialism shattered these cooperative frameworks, replacing them with competitive ethnic identities. The British strategy of divide-and-rule transformed ethnic groups from cooperative communities into competing political entities. This explains why contemporary Nigeria suffers from what political scientists call “institutional fragmentation”—Yorubas thinking for Yorubas, Igbos for Igbos, Hausas for Hausas, while nobody thinks systematically for Nigeria.

Nigeria’s post-independence trajectory provides glaring evidence of intellectual displacement. Despite producing thousands of university graduates annually, youth unemployment continues rising because the education system remains misaligned with modern economic demands. Nigerian companies prefer hiring foreign expatriates, not because Nigerians lack intelligence, but because colonial education never equipped them for authentic problem-solving.

The country’s approach to development now reveals an addiction to borrowed solutions without cultural adaptation. Educational reforms shuttle between American models and British systems without integrating indigenous pedagogical approaches. Economic policies import Korean development strategies and Chinese manufacturing models while ignoring traditional Nigerian commercial networks that sustained trans-Saharan trade for centuries.

Hope emerges from efforts to recover and document traditional wisdom. UNESCO’s 2015 initiative to safeguard Nigeria’s intangible cultural heritage represents a crucial step toward intellectual decolonisation. The project aims to create effective institutional frameworks for preserving indigenous knowledge systems that colonial rule nearly destroyed.

Professor Toyin Falola exemplifies the intellectual renaissance Nigeria needs. His scholarship demonstrates how African intellectuals can engage global academic discourse while remaining rooted in African cultural frameworks. Falola’s work proves that decolonising the mind doesn’t mean rejecting modernity—it means creating authentic African responses to contemporary challenges.

Similarly, Chinua Achebe’s literary revolution showed that African writers could achieve global recognition while celebrating African worldviews. His approach of “fusing European forms with oral tradition” provides a model for integrating indigenous wisdom with modern requirements across all fields of knowledge.

The Andela software development program demonstrates how Nigerian intellectual capacity, properly channelled, can compete globally. By focusing on practical skills while respecting local context, such initiatives prove that Nigerians can excel when education systems align with both traditional values and modern demands.

Authentic decolonisation requires more than political independence—it demands intellectual sovereignty. This means developing educational curricula that teach Nigerian children about the Oyo Empire’s administrative sophistication alongside modern governance principles. It means integrating traditional medicine research with contemporary pharmaceutical development.

The solution is not rejecting all foreign knowledge but ending intellectual dependency. Nigeria needs what scholars call “critical cultural hybridisation”—selective adoption of external ideas while maintaining cultural authenticity. This generation can bridge disrupted traditional wisdom with modern possibilities, creating authentic Nigerian solutions to contemporary challenges.

The cost of continued mental colonisation is perpetual underdevelopment. But the opportunity is enormous: Nigeria has never had more educated citizens, global connections, or technological capabilities. What is now needed is coordinating these assets around authentically Nigerian intellectual frameworks.

The question is not whether Nigerians can think—it’s whether we can think as Nigerians. The time has come to transform from intellectual orphans seeking foreign validation into intellectual ancestors creating knowledge systems that reflect both inherited wisdom and modern aspirations.

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