Introduction
The much talked-about rerun elections in Rivers State began with all the intrigues and fireworks. Transportation Minister (the immediate past governor of the state), Rotimi Chibuike Amaechi, stormed the state four days to D-Day, but his arch-rival and former ally, Nyesom Wike (state governor), seems ever-ready for him. A mega-rally has been held at the Liberation Stadium (now named Yakubu Gowon), but construction work seemed to block free way to the venue. The 28,000-strong police squad that arrived days earlier seems ready to open fire, but the Judiciary is already fired up, having issued frequent injunctions. Law-and-order system says it is alert, but thugs seem to have all the alertness with stronger firepower, having already razed down a village in a part of Ogoni, Magnus Abe’s home town. Now result sheets controversy and other controversies took over long ago.
To most Nigerians outside Rivers State, the rerun elections were merely to select some national and state parliamentarians in a country where lawmakers hardly make laws. Some persons, even within Rivers State, think it is just to employ persons into vacant positions in the various parliaments in the land. Many believe that once a governor or president has been elected, the rest elections are formality. This, in the case of Rivers State at the moment, is the opposite.
Vacancies, size and scope of elections:
The elections will hold all over the state because the entire three senatorial seats are up for grabs in Rivers West, Rivers East, and Rivers South-East. There are nine House of Reps seats vacant still from Khana/Gokana, Okrika/Ogu-Bolo, Emuoha/Ikwerre, Akuku-Toru/Asari-Toru, Etche/Omuma, Tai/Eleme/Oyigbo, Degema/Bonny, and Andoni/Opobo-Nkoro federal constituencies. The 32-member Rivers State House of Asembly still needs nine more members from Andoni, Asari-Toru, Bonny, Eleme, Etche, Gokana, Ikwerre, Khana, and Tai local council areas or state constituencies.
So, in terms of geographical spread and impact, all the 23 local councils would be shut down all day for the exercise because of the senatorial aspect. Those that have already got House of Reps and State House of Assembly members such as Obio/Akpor and Port Harcourt would still have to file out to choose a senator.
Impeachment battle:
Amaechi and Wike were known to be very strong allies who were respected and also feared within the then larger Peter Odili political family for their vehemency on issues. They both broke off from the camp during the Celestine Omehia saga in 2007, and emerged victorious from the Supreme Court (October 25, 2007) to become the new lords of the manor in the oil-rich state. When the camp broke into two in 2012, flinging Amaechi (then governor) and Wike (then minister) in opposite directions, the next plot was to impeach Amaechi for two urgent reasons; one to stop him from massing a front against Goodluck Jonathan (Wike’s new boss) for 2015, and to pave the way for Wike in the Brick House come May 29, 2015.
This plot led to the Abuja high court judgment that swept the PDP executive council in the state to Wike and Jonathan while Amaechi held onto the government appointees. From that moment, it was almost a daily battle to unseat Amaechi, a plot a police commissioner was said to have been sent to supervise.
It exploded in a fight in the House of Assembly where five lawmakers led by one Bipi Evans took over and announced impeachment of Amaechi, only for Amaechi’s team led by Chidi Llyod to bounce back few hours later in a mace-swinging escapade to win back power.
The fight soon moved to the state’s Judiciary where Wike pushed up Daisy Okocha of the High Court with federal might including the NJC while Amaechi put forward Peter Agumagu of the Customary Court of Appeal, each said to be the ‘most senior judge in the state’ (as required by the Constitution and the law for appointment as chief judge of a state). The federally backed NJC chose whoever seemed to be the true ‘most senior judge’, but this choice had to wait for one year until Wike become governor.
By the time Wike was being elevated as chief executive in Port Harcourt, Amaechi was being equally elevated as king in Abuja with a new president as his biggest asset, just the way Wike was in Abuja before the great exchange.
Of a truth, many believe that Amaechi tried everything in the books to stop Wike from winning the governorship election in the field. Some also believe that he tried to stop Wike from winning at the tribunal, even from being sworn in at all. The moment Wike scaled through, however, he quickly set up the Omereji panel to nail his political arch-enemy.
This thus proved to many persons that the reason why each of them seems to fight with every drop of blood is that whoever takes control must sink the other as the only way to rule and live in peace. Many now call it a game of victory by elimination.
For instance, the N150billion monorail project initiated by Amaechi has been stopped; the N160Bn UST relocation project has also been jettisoned; the N400Bn Greater Port Harcourt (megacity) project has practically been halted though some skeletal rustlings seem to go on. Students sent overseas by Amaechi have been deported to look for local schools, and the most viable agency Amaechi used to make waves, the RSSDA, has been grounded without salaries for many months. Contractors that worked for the state under Amaechi have the rest of the story to tell, and some top appointees that made waves such as in UST, RIRS, UOE, say they have been thrown out without payment. Some are in court right now, it is learnt. This is the nature of vicious acrimony in the bitterness between the two kinsmen and former allies. The only viable word between them seems to be ‘impeachment’.
It is therefore, logical that if APC secures majority in the Rivers House of Assembly in the rerun, they would quickly impeach Wike. Even if they should get a mere foothold in the House, many say they could with federal power re-enact what Bipi did with the aid of the police and FG to attempt to impeach a governor with five lawmakers out of 32. They could hope to win over some other lawmakers as time goes on and secure a voting majority.
Wike seems to know all of this and many say he would stop at nothing to ensure that APC did not get any lawmaker in the House in the first place. Even if they win some seats, the House may never get to swearing them in as has already happened, except some force of a torpedo from the outside. So, those who think this is a mere parliamentary election are mistaken. It looks more of an impeachment battle. In so, in such a war, nobody fights and looks back.
Who controls Rivers for 2019?
Politicians, like poolstakers, are believed to be incurable optimists. When they lose, they quickly convince themselves that they would definitely win the very next one. The APC in Rivers State still do not believe how they lost at the Supreme Court to Wike in the governorship diadem. Now, they think it’s a few months to another big election (2019).
In the beginning, it was Amaechi who led Wike to Obio/Akpor local council to become chairman for two terms; led him to become Chief of Staff in Govt House in 2017; and led him to become minister in 2011. Amaechi may still feel it’s his duty to lead Wike out to the cold whenever he wished.
For this reason, observers say Amaechi would stop at nothing to wrest Brick House out of the hands of his former subordinate.
Wike on the other hand is said to regard himself as the force that made Amaechi governor in 2007 when Amaechi was in self-exile (in Ghana), made him governor again (campaign DG) in 2011, and above all, was the only one that accepted to march down from Abuja to chase Amaechi out of power in Port Harcourt. Wike is said to feel strong enough not only to keep APC and Amaechi out of Brick House but to stop APC in Aso Rock in 2019. There, the battle line is drawn. Those who ignore this and think it is mere rerun elections should think twice.
Need to cover up so many wrongs
When Amaechi was speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly and number two man in Rivers power equation under Odili, he was said to vehemently object to the biggest racket of that era, paying militants and cult kings for some peace. When he miraculously emerged governor, Amaechi ordered a stop to the practice and said vehement no to militants and their go-between agents. He soon acquired an resented image in the region because it was a huge racket. Instead, he gave a chance to militants to recant without pay or face the gun. He carried his threat to the letter and most godfathers fled away from Rivers State only for the federal amnesty to come to their aid.
When trouble came for Amaechi in 2013, the fleeing militants and cultists, now called ex-militants, took sides. It is therefore said to be a slogan in their camps that allowing Amaechi control of Rivers State amounted to suicide to the boys. Thus, each time elections were announced, most groups would to the occasion. What is at stake, to them, is hardly about parliament but about something greater than the gavel.
Also, Amaechi has always called Wike names in terms of schools and roads contracts given when both men were chummies, but Wike has always dared him to call in law enforcement agencies if the then governor meant the charges. On the other hand, Wike has severally accused Amaechi of looting. He went ahead to set up a panel to indict his former boss, but Amaechi said the panel did not succeed in its mission. The matter too, is stalled at that point.
So, it is believed around the state that whoever secured final victory and comfortable majority in the House of Assembly would likely move for the final kill against the other. It is also believed that whoever controls the Rivers caucus in the National Assembly would use it to mobilse seriously against the other. The ex-militants may have the fear that if the wrong person takes over the state, their crimes may be reopened, or that their present may become past tense, just as Amaechi may fear that if Wike captures full power, his assets and those of his supporters may be forfeited to the state government.
Conclusion
Many say they are tired of the violence and intrigues but the end seems far from over. The outcome of the Saturday rerun elections may never be an end to the political torture in the state but may only be the beginning of a thorny crown. In a cockfight, only one fowl comes out of the pitch alive. If in doubt, ask Chicken George (Roots).
Only the intervention of stronger and outside forces can force the two to a negotiation table, and then peace can come. Those who shout that they should settle seem to be masters in wishful thinking. For now, both men seem unable to help.
Ignatius Chukwu
