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Hinging UBE’s success on strong local governments

The Editorial Board
7 Min Read

Twenty-six years after Nigeria introduced the Universal Basic Education (UBE) programme in 1999, the dream of ensuring every Nigerian child receives free, compulsory and quality education for at least nine years remains deeply compromised. At the core of this failure lies a critical but often overlooked issue: the weak and politically stifled state of local governments in Nigeria.

Today, the education crisis in Nigeria is not only about inadequate infrastructure or a shortage of teachers. It is also about the political structure that sidelines local governments, the very tier of government closest to the people and best positioned to drive early childhood education (ECE) and grassroots implementation of UBE policies.

 “UBEC must work more closely with community-based organisations and parent-teacher associations to bypass bureaucratic bottlenecks and deliver intervention programmes directly to schools where they are most needed.”

According to the latest data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) and the Universal Basic Education Commission (UBEC), total enrolment in primary schools across Nigeria was about 29.2 million in 2024, the highest since the inception of the UBE scheme. However, this figure covers troubling disparities. In many rural communities, particularly in states like Zamfara, Gombe, and Ebonyi, thousands of school-aged children remain out of school. Net enrolment for basic education nationally stands at 68.1 per cent, far below the 90 per cent target set by the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) for 2030.

Yet, these challenges are not insurmountable if local governments are allowed to function as autonomous administrative units rather than political appendages of state governors. Although the declaration of the present administration and court cases about local government autonomy are positive, their work is still not autonomous. Under Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution, local governments are supposed to be the third tier of governance, responsible for basic services, including primary education. In practice, they are tightly controlled by state governors, who dissolve elected councils at will and appoint caretaker committees that serve only political interests.

This subversion of local democracy has had devastating consequences for education. The Constitution and the UBE Act delegate key implementation responsibilities to local stakeholders, including school-based management committees, community leaders, local education authorities, and parents. But in many cases, these structures exist in name only. Budget allocations rarely reach them, capacity building is minimal, and accountability is virtually non-existent.

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This lack of functionality directly impacts the running of early childhood care and education (ECCE) centres, primary schools, and junior secondary institutions, particularly in rural areas. Where local governments are active, there is community monitoring, improved school attendance, and better maintenance of infrastructure. Where they are dormant or politicised, schools are ghost facilities and teachers are unpaid.

Take, for instance, Benue State, known for its educational heritage. In 2023, only N1.2 billion out of a possible N3.8 billion UBE intervention fund was accessed by the state, according to UBEC. This was partly due to the state government’s inability or unwillingness to provide the matching grant, a problem that plagues many states. As of June 2025, UBEC confirmed that N54.8 billion in intervention funds remained unaccessed by several states, funds that could have transformed hundreds of local schools.

Meanwhile, Kano State, despite facing its own educational challenges, has begun devolving certain education responsibilities to local councils. Through targeted UBE implementation, over 320 new classrooms were built between 2022 and 2024, increasing enrolment by nearly 15 percent. The difference lies in political will and decentralised action.

Globally, nations that have succeeded in universalising basic education have done so by empowering local authorities. In Rwanda and Kenya, for example, decentralisation has allowed districts and counties to take ownership of school construction, teacher recruitment, and community sensitisation. The impact is measurable and consistent.

In Nigeria, decentralisation is held hostage by state politics. During the 2023 elections, multiple states, including Rivers, Oyo, and Ogun, ignored UBEC funds altogether, prioritising campaign spending over education. Some states, like Imo and Taraba, have not accessed their full UBE allocations for over five years.

This systemic neglect partly explains why Nigeria still ranks low on global education indices. According to UNESCO’s 2024 Education Progress Report, Nigeria is ranked 128 out of 143 nations in terms of basic education quality and access. This is unacceptable for Africa’s most populous country.

Importantly, therefore, constitutional reform is needed to guarantee true autonomy for local governments. This includes ensuring democratically elected councils with budgetary control and administrative freedom, especially in education delivery.

The Joint Allocation Account (JAAC) system, where states manage local government funds, must be restructured or scrapped altogether. Local governments must receive their federal allocations directly and transparently, with strict reporting standards tied to development outcomes.

UBEC must work more closely with community-based organisations and parent-teacher associations to bypass bureaucratic bottlenecks and deliver intervention programmes directly to schools where they are most needed.

Also, there must be an urgent audit of all unaccessed UBE funds, with penalties for defaulting states. This should be coupled with incentives for states and LGAs that meet performance targets in enrolment, infrastructure, teacher training, and gender parity.

Above all, Nigerians, especially at the grassroots, must begin to demand educational accountability from their local governments. Where education fails, every other development goal collapses. The fight to deliver universal basic education must therefore be fought from the bottom up.

Nigeria cannot afford to fail another generation of children. The future of the nation rests on its classrooms, not in Abuja or the state capitals, but in the local schools in Doma, Iseyin, Gwoza, and Eket. For UBE to succeed, Nigeria must fix local governance.

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