Last week, we dwelt on those factors which pose obstacles to Nigeria’s democracy. We ended up on the note that even the political structure was not conducive to democracy. This was in view of a monolithic North which had the capacity to hold the rest of Nigeria to ransom. Even then, such an anomaly was not peculiar to the North. The Southern regions as we will see also had pockets of minorities.
In coming forth this way, what I have attempted to do so far is to question the implicit optimism and assumptions which underlie the theme of this discourse. This is because to strengthen and deepen a phenomenon assumes that the phenomenon already exists. So the question which I may as well pose at this juncture is, given what I have said already, does democracy exist in Nigeria?
On this note, permit me to deepen my pessimism further by dwelling briefly on the nature of the economy which exists till date. What is hardly appreciated about our economy is that it is an economy which lacks internal and inner resilience. It is an economy which, in the main, is hopelessly linked to the external realm. This is unfortunately a situation which has existed from 1960 till date.
The Nigerian economy is in reality a dependent one. This is because the technological basis of the economy is largely foreign. Indeed, the observation has been made that available statistics show that 80-90 percent of the technologies used in local manufacturing, which are also critical to the real sector in the country, are imported.
In stark terms, what this means is that, courtesy of variables like consultancies, production machineries and knowledge beyond service, huge sums of money are taken out of the country. Thus, the Nigerian economy can be deemed to be a mere shell.
Two areas of the economy which tragically illustrate this dismal phenomenon can be located in the areas of manufacturing and the oil industry. As regards the former, anybody who is familiar with the annual reports of our various manufacturing concerns cannot but notice that there are line-items which provide for the repatriation of huge sums of money as these relate to payment for the use of technology by these manufacturing outfits. This is a one-way game in which on a consistent basis, Nigerian companies, and by extension Nigeria, continue to hold the short end of the stick. Unfortunately, very much the same thing can be said for what passes for the oil industry and we will elaborate on this in the next write-up.
Taken together and thus far, it is clear that our democracy is bedevilled with clear and present dangers. We must stare them down and resolutely too. The comfort that we can draw here is that our democracy is not an exception. Other democracies, even the sophisticated ones, are battling their own demons. In our third instalment, we will focus on other inclement variables which continue to stalk our democracy.
Beyond much of the foregoing is the often ignored fact that such is the character of the Nigerian state that it is more of an arena rather than an actor in international relations. Such a status certainly has implications for the country’s democracy. Indeed, a whole cottage industry has emerged. This industry, at the risk of sounding cynical, can be regarded as the global dimensions of democratization in Nigeria. Indices of this external component can be seen in electoral observers, moral suasions and interventions by the status quo forces in the world, as well as funding commitments from these forces.
It is arguable that an ethical strain runs through this external component. However, the self-same ethical strain compels us to examine the credentials of these external do-gooders. More often than not, these external missionaries of democracy are found wanting. Their dark spots range from corruption through racism to xenophobia. In words: physician, heal thyself!
Again, one cannot but observe a selective and double-sided approach to the issue of outsider’s involvement in our democracy. While we, along with other African countries, are being urged or compelled to democratize, nothing like this can be observed in, say, US-Saudi Arabia relations. In other words, the external do-gooders of our democratic experience are indulging in nothing but a power relationship. Closely related to the immediate foregoing and much more fundamental, perhaps, is that if Nigeria’s democracy is to survive, it requires its genuine ownership by Nigerian citizens.
I will like to leave the conclusions open in consonance with the French intellectual tradition. The essence of my deposition here is that what I have attempted to do in the foregoing paragraphs is to highlight in a broad way some of the issues which continue to bedevil our democracy. These issues as sketched above include the national question, a shell economy, corruption and the intrusion of external do-gooders in our democracy.
In view of the calibre of this audience, it would be presumptuous for me to prescribe guidelines. This is because such a position will be undemocratic in itself. It is therefore left to my readers to come up with suggestions as regards how these issues can be addressed with a view to deepening and strengthening our current experience in democracy.
Kayode Soremekun
