In the first part of this column I argued for a sense of history in comprehending where Nigeria is today. I reasoned that an analysis of the many conflicts across the North needs an understanding of their historical basis. I also said that far from being an anachronism, the accumulated centuries of wisdom from key northern traditional rulers, such as the Emir of Kano, will be necessary to achieve any sustainable resolution.
This brings me to two books contemplating the colonial history of Lagos. Their appearance pre-election is far from coincidental and further supports my logic of the relevance of our antecedence today. ‘Possessed’ (CLRN Publishing, 2014) by Olasupo Shasore came out late last year while Amb Patrick Dele Cole’s (PDC) ‘Modern and Traditional Elites in the Politics of Lagos’ (Cambridge University Press, 1975; reprinted 2015) has been reprinted and is being re-launched next week. Both of these books are germane to the development of our current cultural and political structure, to the mindset of those that call themselves ‘Lagosian’, to contemporary Lagos politics and, ultimately, the relationship between Lagos and the rest of the former colonial entity called Nigeria.
My intention is not to write reviews as Shasore’s book has been out for a while and Wole Soyinka will be reviewing PDC’s at the launch. However, in making my argument, I need to provide some background. ‘Possessed’ is ‘A History of Law and Justice in the Crown Colony of Lagos, 1861-1906’, which makes it sound dry and highly legal. It is neither. Although it considers the key legal cases that defined the relationship between the colonisers and colonised, it is light and easy to read. By its nature it reflects on the role of traditional rulers with reference to their growing commercialisation and their involvement in trade. Our antiquated and arcane Property Laws were defined during this period. Anyone who wonders why certain traditional rulers, the White Cap Chiefs, seem to hold so much land can find at least part of the answer in these books. Land is an emotional topic anywhere in Africa and colonial land ownership and usage are probably the most critical points of conflict between empire builders and indigenous people. The legal resolution of that conflict as far as Lagos was concerned can be seen here. However, trade was the reason for the exponential growth of Lagos in the period under review and saw the traditional elite of Lagos pushing to ensure that this prosperity was not the monopoly of the British and their friends. In his foreword to Shasore’s book, Governor Fashola suggests that there are “lessons to be learnt from such a constructive remembering… [and that] One lesson to be learnt is that the agitation for resource control did not start with the discovery of oil. It started with the trading resources of Lagos, the immigrant human capital it attracted and the productive enterprise that its people and territory have spawned.”
PDC’s work covers broadly the same period but is more expansive and more authoritatively ‘history’. It specifically covers the three-way relationship between the British colonial authorities, the indigenous ‘Eleko’ and the recently arrived ‘Saros’ (and Brazilians). He describes the structure of the pre-existing Lagos society, including the relationships between the Benin-inspired Oba and the local chiefs, in some detail. The role of the Saro families in mediating (or interfering, depending on your view) between the oppressors and the oppressed becomes clearer. Incidents that are explained from a lawyer’s viewpoint in ‘Possessed’ are treated in a wider social and economic context in PDC’s book demonstrating how this societal structure developed into today’s Lagos.
I was reminded of Ryszard Kapuściński’s comment in ‘The Cobra’s Heart’: “Only with the greatest simplification, for the sake of convenience, can we say ‘Africa’. In reality, except as a geographical appellation, Africa does not exist.” PDC makes the same point: “Concrete historical phenomena are used to test broad generalisations about political and social processes. The heterogeneity of Africa ought to deter sweeping generalisations…” Therefore, to understand Nigeria, one has to consider the individual parts, building up a picture bottom up rather than top down. This is critical in understanding the political spectrum today. One has to look at specifics in the various zones before drawing up wider conclusions. How much has changed since PDC wrote “In Lagos, as elsewhere in Nigeria, ‘national politics’ was fought on local issues”?
Almost as an aside but a perfect illustration of that point are his references to how politicians courted the approval of the traditional elites. “The traditional elite, at every stage of the development of Lagos politics, played important, even crucial, roles in the dénouement of nationalist politics.” One only has to consider Oba Rilwanu’s endorsement of Ambode or the president’s visits to ‘Emirs, Obas and Ezes’ to see how this plays out today. It might also be argued that both presidential aspirants’ desperation for endorsement from OBJ and IBB are a modern version of the same behaviour.
So, in returning to my main argument, if you are an expatriate businessman in Nigeria, especially in the consumer space, you will improve your effectiveness by developing insight into the cultural and historical antecedents of your staff, your customers and your local stakeholders. If you want to understand some of the deeper currents of the political and social ebb and flow, put down your spreadsheets and extend your human antennae. You might also like to pick up one or two books such as these. If you were a Nigerian fresh from the Diaspora or even of an age that was taught little of your own heritage, these would be a good read. Patrick Dele Cole’s book launch is next week and details can be obtained from drcolebooklaunch@africapractice.com or tanami@tanami-ltd.com.
I leave you with the words of Olasupo Shasore describing his history as an account of “the interplay between pride, prejudice, power, liberty and the struggle for independent development”. If that does not describe the current battle between Messrs Ambode and Agbaje, then I do not know what does!
Keith Richards
