Expectedly, last week, President Zuma of South Africa survived an impeachment vote initiated by the opposition parties over the Nkandla scandal. The vote was introduced after the Constitutional Court severely rebuked Mr Zuma and ruled that he breached the constitution by refusing to abide by the verdict of the country’s anti-corruption agency that he refunds the government money – about $16 million – he used to upgrade his rural home. Many expected Mr Zuma to resign thereafter but the wily and foxy Zuma, who has survived many similar scandals in the past, chooses to rather apologise and remain in power.
In an address to the country shortly after the ruling, Mr Zuma said he welcomed the Constitutional Court’s findings on the Nkandla saga and that he never intended to fail to comply with the remedial action (to pay back part of the money) proposed in the Public Protector’s report. The ANC quickly issued a statement to appreciate the president’s apology and humility.
But clearly many were unimpressed. Veteran Anti-apartheid stalwart, Ahmed Kathrada wrote Zuma what he calls an ‘agonising’ letter, calling on him to submit to the will of the people and resign. Kathrada said he was left with no choice but to speak out against Zuma insisting that only his resignation will help the country out of the current crisis, not an apology.
Buoyed by the voices calling on Zuma to resign, the Democratic Alliance (AD) and Julius Malema’s Ultra-leftist Economic Freedom Fighters Party (EFF) tried to force an impeachment. However, the ANC controlled parliament voted 233 against the impeachment motion while 143 voted in favour.
Unlike his predecessor who was recalled by the party before the end of his tenure, Mr Zuma ensures that the ANC’s Executive Committee and by extension, the members of parliament are firmly under his control and he has used them to stave off any impeachment or no confidence votes.
In a way, Mr Zuma can be described as a cat with nine lives. He has always been known for corruption, cronyism and scandals but has always managed to sidestep them all to the party’s leadership and eventually the presidency. But the scandals have continued since then.
In 2005, he was charged with the rape of a deceased friend’s daughter whom he knew to be HIV positive. The courts later ruled that the act was consensual. However, during the trial Zuma admitted to having unprotected sex with his accuser and took a ‘shower’ afterwards to cut the risk of contracting HIV.
In 2004, Zuma was also charged with corruption in connection with his financial advisor’s bribery case. While Shaik – his advisor – was convicted and sentenced to 15 years in prison, Zuma miraculously escaped sanction. However, before then, he had been fired as Vice President by Thabo Mbeki. Zuma went ahead to defeat Mbeki in the tussle for the ANC leadership and consequently used his influence to recall Mbeki. After much legal and political wrangling, the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) agreed to drop the case in April 2009 and a month later, Zuma ascended the presidency.
But, just upon coming to power, Zuma unlawfully spent huge taxpayer’s money in upgrading his rural home in what is now known as the Nkandla scandal citing security concerns. The Public Protector (Anti-Corruption agency) disagreed with him and ruled that he repay some of the costs. However, Zuma ignored the Ombudsman and, using his executive powers and control over the African National Congress (ANC), frustrated the process of holding him to account.
Recently, there were also reports that the Guptas – a powerful business family of Indians with close affinity to Zuma – had offered to arrange cabinet positions for politicians. Last year, Zuma summarily replaced a respected finance minister with a political hack and only backtracked after a national outcry and possible investor backlash. A government official later revealed that the Guptas offered him the finance minister’s post.
It is a shame that the ANC – the venerable Nelson Mandela’s party and the foremost political party in Africa – has been hijacked by a ‘corruption mafia’ and has allowed its moral and political authority to be so badly eroded in so short a time. The party, which so admirably demonstrated the highest form of courage, endurance and singleness of purpose in fighting and bringing about the end of apartheid, has ended up just like the system it fought for close to a century to overthrow. In a way, this goes to confirm that the motivation for most of black Africa’s elite struggle for independence and emancipation was not so much the emancipation of their peoples and societies but rather to inherit the positions and privileges of their former oppressors and masters.
South Africa in 1994, on the eve of the first democratic elections, was by all standards, a fully capable and functional state with a thriving economy and strong industrial base. Granted that the economic power was concentrated in the hands of the White minority, the settlement reached – that the ANC will not seek to forcefully dismantle and appropriate the property of the Whites but will use the states’ resources to educate and consequently develop and integrate the majority black society – if consistently pursued and followed would have ensured the emancipation of black South Africans. But hardly had the ANC captured power than it began, under the guise of black empowerment, to enrich its members and party apparatchik while neglecting the overarching goal of black education and emancipation. Today, the South African economy is in shambles. Unemployment is at its highest and the majority blacks, ravaged by poverty and want, are wondering what they actually achieved in 1994! Is it surprising therefore that xenophobia and crimes are rife in the country?
The ANC must realise that by supporting and keeping Zuma, it is fast losing its firm grip on the South African society. It is clear that ordinary South Africans are fed up with the madness going on now and are likely to register their displeasures in subsequent elections. It will be sad if, in the near future, the ANC suffers the same fate as most ruling and corrupt parties in Africa.
Christopher Akor
